For decades, women’s political participation in Nigeria has remained a subject of debate, especially during election seasons. Despite making up nearly half of the country’s population, Nigerian women continue to face significant barriers in accessing elective positions.
Now, a new proposal has renewed the conversation: should Nigeria create special legislative seats reserved for women to increase their representation in government?
The debate has gained momentum following the introduction of the Reserve Seat for Women Bill, sponsored by Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu and other lawmakers in both chambers of the National Assembly. Kalu is the lead sponsor of the bill, known as HB 1349, in the House of Representatives.
Across the country, women groups, political activists, and civil society organisations have intensified campaigns, meetings, and advocacy efforts to push for the passage of the proposed constitutional amendment.
The bill seeks to address Nigeria’s long-standing gender imbalance in politics by creating additional legislative seats exclusively for women.
Under the proposal, Nigeria would have 37 additional Senate seats — one for each state and the Federal Capital Territory — alongside 108 extra seats in the House of Representatives and 108 seats in state Houses of Assembly. Women contesting these seats would become full lawmakers with voting rights, while existing male legislators would not lose their positions.
Supporters argue that the measure is necessary because women remain severely underrepresented in Nigeria’s political institutions. They believe the policy would help Nigeria move closer to the 30 per cent representation target recommended under the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.
They also argue that increased female representation would bring greater attention to issues affecting women and children, including maternal healthcare, education, and gender-based violence.
However, critics have questioned whether creating more legislative seats is the right solution.
Some argue that expanding the legislature would increase government spending and create a two-tier system where some lawmakers are elected through regular competition while others enter through reserved seats.
Others believe the focus should instead be on reforming political parties, reducing the cost of elections, and ensuring women have equal opportunities to compete within existing structures.
Supporters of reserved seats often point to countries such as Rwanda, Uganda, and Senegal, where gender quotas have significantly increased women’s representation in parliament.
In Rwanda, constitutional measures have helped women become one of the largest groups in parliament globally. Supporters say these examples show that deliberate policies can break barriers that have historically excluded women from political power.
But Nigeria’s political environment presents unique challenges.
Unlike some countries that introduced quotas alongside strong party enforcement and political reforms, Nigeria’s challenge goes beyond representation numbers. It includes issues such as campaign financing, party structures, internal democracy, and voter participation.
A major question remains: even if reserved seats are created, who will decide the candidates and control access to those positions?
Political parties remain dominated by men, and women are often limited to roles such as women leaders within party structures rather than positions where major decisions are made.
Another major issue is voter participation.
According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), women represent a significant percentage of Nigeria’s registered voters. However, voter turnout remains low, with millions of registered citizens failing to participate in elections.
The 2023 general elections recorded one of Nigeria’s lowest voter turnout figures, raising questions about whether stronger mobilisation of existing women voters could produce more political change than creating new seats.
With millions of women already holding voter cards, some analysts argue that organised grassroots mobilisation could help women elect more female candidates without constitutional amendments.
The Reserve Seat for Women Bill requires a constitutional amendment, meaning it must secure the support of two-thirds of the National Assembly and at least 24 state Houses of Assembly.
This process itself presents a challenge because the decision rests largely with institutions where women remain poorly represented.
Beyond political structures, cultural and religious arguments have also been raised as possible barriers to women’s participation, particularly in northern Nigeria.
However, some Islamic scholars have argued that religion should not be considered an obstacle to women holding political positions.
Sheikh Sharif Ibrahim Saleh Al-Hussainy, Grand Mufti of Nigeria and Chairman of the Fatwa Committee of the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, stated in his 2010 fatwa on women in governance that women have the Islamic right to hold public offices except the position of the supreme religious leader.
He argued that positions such as legislators, local government chairpersons, governors, and even the presidency are not prohibited under Islamic principles.
This suggests that some of the major barriers facing Nigerian women may be linked more to political structures, social attitudes, and economic limitations rather than religion.
For many advocates, the solution requires a combination of strategies: constitutional reforms, stronger party participation, voter education, financial support for female candidates, and grassroots mobilisation.
The question therefore remains: do Nigerian women need reserved seats to enter political office, or do they need stronger mobilisation and reforms that allow them to compete effectively?
The debate is not simply about creating more seats. It is about building a political system where women can participate fully and equally.
Whether through reserved seats or reforms within existing political structures, the ultimate goal remains the same: ensuring Nigerian women are represented as active participants in democracy, not merely as beneficiaries of political inclusion.
Aishatu Kabu writes from Maiduguri.
22 June 2026.
